Friday, October 27, 2006
Margaret Fuller
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal #8, Margaret Fuller
October 27, 2006
"Man is of woman born, and her face bends over him in infancy with an expression he can never quite forget." (1633)
Fuller expresses the true connection between men and women in the excerpt above. It evokes all the conflicting feelings men have towards women; gratitude, terror and confusion.
As men mature into adulthood, they tend to forget the face Fuller is referring to; the loving face of their mother, without whom they would not be alive in the first place. The quote expresses a tension between men and women, stemming from the fact that men cannot forget their mothers' faces, but, I question, can they truly really remember?
At first glance, we assume the expression is reflecting a mother's love, but could it not also be one of rejection? Are there abject emotions showing in that face too, evoking the burden of bearing and rearing the human race?
Perhaps Nature has a way to make man forget the true nature of his mother's gaze in order to perpetuate the species. As a form of reverse imprinting it enforces the breaking of the bond between mother and son in order to ensure the future of humankind. However, when replicated in his lover's face, the expression promotes renewed feelings of gratitude towards mothers when a man reaches maturity and approaches fatherhood.
Fuller had some interesting views on men and women and the psychological bonds between them. Her work is a gauge that timelessly measures the complexities of gender relations.
ENGL 48A
Journal #8, Margaret Fuller
October 27, 2006
"Man is of woman born, and her face bends over him in infancy with an expression he can never quite forget." (1633)
Fuller expresses the true connection between men and women in the excerpt above. It evokes all the conflicting feelings men have towards women; gratitude, terror and confusion.
As men mature into adulthood, they tend to forget the face Fuller is referring to; the loving face of their mother, without whom they would not be alive in the first place. The quote expresses a tension between men and women, stemming from the fact that men cannot forget their mothers' faces, but, I question, can they truly really remember?
At first glance, we assume the expression is reflecting a mother's love, but could it not also be one of rejection? Are there abject emotions showing in that face too, evoking the burden of bearing and rearing the human race?
Perhaps Nature has a way to make man forget the true nature of his mother's gaze in order to perpetuate the species. As a form of reverse imprinting it enforces the breaking of the bond between mother and son in order to ensure the future of humankind. However, when replicated in his lover's face, the expression promotes renewed feelings of gratitude towards mothers when a man reaches maturity and approaches fatherhood.
Fuller had some interesting views on men and women and the psychological bonds between them. Her work is a gauge that timelessly measures the complexities of gender relations.
Olaudah Equiano
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal #7
October 27, 2006
"This kingdom was divided into many provinces or districts [...] situated in the charming and fruitful vale, named Essaka." (Olaudah Equiano 749)
"The valley, wide and fruitful, supplied its inhabitants with the necessaries of life [...]." (Samuel Johnson 2680)
I have chosen to open with two quotes, one from this week’s text, and for comparison, one from ENGL 46B, my English literature class. The Equiano quote is from the 1789 edition of The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself, whereas the Johnson quote is from his 1759 work The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia. Here, Johnson’s text will function as a foil, a literary trend to keep in mind, for Equiano’s account of his experiences.
Both quotes promise the reader exotic tales of Africa set in an abundant Eden, however Equiano’s quote is a supposed first hand account compared to Johnson’s fictitious tale. By creating a luscious setting, Equiano brings the reader "home" with him, to a land that only exists in his memory, if at all, and Johnson creates a fantasy image for the benefit of his audience.
The importance of the virgin nature of the land cannot be overlooked, where it comes to represent a state of being that has been forever changed. In Equiano’s work it functions as a balance to the grim atrocities of his experiences as a slave, as divulged to the reader later on. His image of pure and unadulterated landscapes is a metaphor for the state of African tribes before their societies, cultures and people were brutally raped by white men seeking fortune in human commerce, where innocence gets replaced with the stark realization of experience.
The Interesting Narrative shows the drift toward the pathos of the natural world in later Transcendentalist literature. Its allure was indeed strong among the first generations of American writers, who allowed themselves to be deeply inspired and connected to the lands of the New World. Even though Equiano’s passion is for African lands, his sentiment is groundbreaking in terms of American literary tradition. The common denominator between Equiano and later American writers is the history of being uprooted and placed in a newly formed society. Not many people had deep roots in the colonies, perhaps only a few generations at most, and this may have influenced a strong connection to nature as a reaction to constant change.
I found the connections between an English writer writing about Abyssinia, a place he had never seen, and a translocated freed slave writing about a place he might have barely remembered, interesting. The similarities in the text are at times striking, if only because the two writers come from such opposite backgrounds.
Sources: The Norton Anthology of English Literature, 7th Ed.
Abrams, M.H. and Greenblatt, Stephen, Eds.
Johnson, Samuel. The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia. p. 2679-2712
ENGL 48A
Journal #7
October 27, 2006
"This kingdom was divided into many provinces or districts [...] situated in the charming and fruitful vale, named Essaka." (Olaudah Equiano 749)
"The valley, wide and fruitful, supplied its inhabitants with the necessaries of life [...]." (Samuel Johnson 2680)
I have chosen to open with two quotes, one from this week’s text, and for comparison, one from ENGL 46B, my English literature class. The Equiano quote is from the 1789 edition of The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself, whereas the Johnson quote is from his 1759 work The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia. Here, Johnson’s text will function as a foil, a literary trend to keep in mind, for Equiano’s account of his experiences.
Both quotes promise the reader exotic tales of Africa set in an abundant Eden, however Equiano’s quote is a supposed first hand account compared to Johnson’s fictitious tale. By creating a luscious setting, Equiano brings the reader "home" with him, to a land that only exists in his memory, if at all, and Johnson creates a fantasy image for the benefit of his audience.
The importance of the virgin nature of the land cannot be overlooked, where it comes to represent a state of being that has been forever changed. In Equiano’s work it functions as a balance to the grim atrocities of his experiences as a slave, as divulged to the reader later on. His image of pure and unadulterated landscapes is a metaphor for the state of African tribes before their societies, cultures and people were brutally raped by white men seeking fortune in human commerce, where innocence gets replaced with the stark realization of experience.
The Interesting Narrative shows the drift toward the pathos of the natural world in later Transcendentalist literature. Its allure was indeed strong among the first generations of American writers, who allowed themselves to be deeply inspired and connected to the lands of the New World. Even though Equiano’s passion is for African lands, his sentiment is groundbreaking in terms of American literary tradition. The common denominator between Equiano and later American writers is the history of being uprooted and placed in a newly formed society. Not many people had deep roots in the colonies, perhaps only a few generations at most, and this may have influenced a strong connection to nature as a reaction to constant change.
I found the connections between an English writer writing about Abyssinia, a place he had never seen, and a translocated freed slave writing about a place he might have barely remembered, interesting. The similarities in the text are at times striking, if only because the two writers come from such opposite backgrounds.
Sources: The Norton Anthology of English Literature, 7th Ed.
Abrams, M.H. and Greenblatt, Stephen, Eds.
Johnson, Samuel. The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia. p. 2679-2712
Wednesday, October 18, 2006
Thomas Paine
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal# 6, Thomas Paine
October 18, 2006
"As to the Christian system of faith, it appears to me as a species of atheism; a sort of religious denial of God. It professes to believe in a man rather than in God." (721)
This quote is from Paine's The Age of Reason. An inflammatory statement to be sure, Paine does not shy away from telling the story the way he sees fit. Paine, a natural skeptic, obviously took his faith quite seriously. He took the time to think deeply about its impact on him and the world around him. In the above argument, Paine single-handedly dismisses 1,700 years of Christan doctrine in one fell swoop.
Quite the antithesis to say, islam, where no image of God exists, Paine calls Christianity a form of "man-ism" (721). Idolatry was, as the reader may recall, the point of contention in Exodus when the Israelites were revering the Golden Calf during Moses's stay on Mount Sinai. This situation got them into hot water with God who had commanded them to have no other gods than him. According to Wikipedia, the islamic version of this story calls on the faithful to shy away from imitations of religion, and instead focus on letting spirituality manifest internally. Paine seems to be of the opinion that the Christianity of his contemporaries was no better than that hedonistic variety seen in the Bible, what with its ostentatious flamboyance and people cults.
In what would turn out to be a truly American way, Paine professes the need for a "natural philosophy, embracing the whole circle of science" (721). His stance shifts the focus away from person-oriented ardor and replaces it with a more ethereal sort of spirituality aimed at studying the "works of God" (721) as opposed to God himself. Paine calls this phenomenon the "true theology" (721).
Paine's church-bashing ideas were certainly controversial in the 18th century; perhaps because they were so modern. It seems as though his thoughts on faith would easily find a place in today's go-go society. Contemporary junior executives and soccer moms would probably be able to relate to Paine's broad and unfettered application of spiritual well-being.
Sources:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_calf
http://www.islamfrominside.com/Pages/Tafsir/Tafsir%287-152%29.html
ENGL 48A
Journal# 6, Thomas Paine
October 18, 2006
"As to the Christian system of faith, it appears to me as a species of atheism; a sort of religious denial of God. It professes to believe in a man rather than in God." (721)
This quote is from Paine's The Age of Reason. An inflammatory statement to be sure, Paine does not shy away from telling the story the way he sees fit. Paine, a natural skeptic, obviously took his faith quite seriously. He took the time to think deeply about its impact on him and the world around him. In the above argument, Paine single-handedly dismisses 1,700 years of Christan doctrine in one fell swoop.
Quite the antithesis to say, islam, where no image of God exists, Paine calls Christianity a form of "man-ism" (721). Idolatry was, as the reader may recall, the point of contention in Exodus when the Israelites were revering the Golden Calf during Moses's stay on Mount Sinai. This situation got them into hot water with God who had commanded them to have no other gods than him. According to Wikipedia, the islamic version of this story calls on the faithful to shy away from imitations of religion, and instead focus on letting spirituality manifest internally. Paine seems to be of the opinion that the Christianity of his contemporaries was no better than that hedonistic variety seen in the Bible, what with its ostentatious flamboyance and people cults.
In what would turn out to be a truly American way, Paine professes the need for a "natural philosophy, embracing the whole circle of science" (721). His stance shifts the focus away from person-oriented ardor and replaces it with a more ethereal sort of spirituality aimed at studying the "works of God" (721) as opposed to God himself. Paine calls this phenomenon the "true theology" (721).
Paine's church-bashing ideas were certainly controversial in the 18th century; perhaps because they were so modern. It seems as though his thoughts on faith would easily find a place in today's go-go society. Contemporary junior executives and soccer moms would probably be able to relate to Paine's broad and unfettered application of spiritual well-being.
Sources:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_calf
http://www.islamfrominside.com/Pages/Tafsir/Tafsir%287-152%29.html
Phillis Wheatley
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal #5, Phillis Wheatley
Oct. 18, 2006
"I, young in life, by seeming cruel fate was snatch'd from Afric's fancied happy seat" (812)
Wheatley, in her 1773 poem honoring the Earl of Darthmouth, refers back to her own fate of being kidnapped as a child and sold as a slave in the colonies, a fate far removed from that of the Earl himself. Her memories of Africa, and she must have had some at the age of eight, are given a romantic touch that make them seem from a more distant time than they really are. The quote has an interesting disharmony between the words cruel fate and fancied happy.
What is evident is that Wheatley and the Earl of Darthmouth share the dilemma of homelessness. Wheatley's situation was complicated by her living in a colonial household inhabited by people almost as new to the Americas as she was. Her feelings of her native home were doubtlessly thought inappropriate and surely she was taught to think of Africa as wrong or even sinful.
Part of a bi-continental family myself, I wonder where home was for Phillis Wheatley. The Wheatley's, in a sense her adoptive parents, must have thought of England as home, which brings to mind the Earl of Darthmouth. He also hailed from England and may not have considered the colonies his home, as seen in his failure to support the ideas behind the American revolution. Perhaps her addressing him came from a place of recognition of a true and deep human predicament; a sense of not belonging.
As seen in Wheatley's words above, Africa was an exotic place to her, a place filled with mystique, a forbidden place. Her removal from Africa may have been fairly recent in time but unlike the Earl, Wheatley did not have a living cultural link to her past, thus the sense of time elapsed in the quote above. The feeling of distance is one created by obliteration of cultural ideals, traditions, language, human relationships and indigenous identity. The Earl, however, fulfilling his responsibilities as dictated by the English monarch, had every reason to go on living English-style in order to ensure the anglification of the burgeoning colonial lifestyle and culture.
In truth, both Wheatley and the Earl were outsiders skirting the perimeter of a society neither of them would ever be allowed to join. Wheatley, too African to ameliorate her situation, and the Earl, too noble to be truly American, form part of the generation that bridges the gap between the Old World and the New.
ENGL 48A
Journal #5, Phillis Wheatley
Oct. 18, 2006
"I, young in life, by seeming cruel fate was snatch'd from Afric's fancied happy seat" (812)
Wheatley, in her 1773 poem honoring the Earl of Darthmouth, refers back to her own fate of being kidnapped as a child and sold as a slave in the colonies, a fate far removed from that of the Earl himself. Her memories of Africa, and she must have had some at the age of eight, are given a romantic touch that make them seem from a more distant time than they really are. The quote has an interesting disharmony between the words cruel fate and fancied happy.
What is evident is that Wheatley and the Earl of Darthmouth share the dilemma of homelessness. Wheatley's situation was complicated by her living in a colonial household inhabited by people almost as new to the Americas as she was. Her feelings of her native home were doubtlessly thought inappropriate and surely she was taught to think of Africa as wrong or even sinful.
Part of a bi-continental family myself, I wonder where home was for Phillis Wheatley. The Wheatley's, in a sense her adoptive parents, must have thought of England as home, which brings to mind the Earl of Darthmouth. He also hailed from England and may not have considered the colonies his home, as seen in his failure to support the ideas behind the American revolution. Perhaps her addressing him came from a place of recognition of a true and deep human predicament; a sense of not belonging.
As seen in Wheatley's words above, Africa was an exotic place to her, a place filled with mystique, a forbidden place. Her removal from Africa may have been fairly recent in time but unlike the Earl, Wheatley did not have a living cultural link to her past, thus the sense of time elapsed in the quote above. The feeling of distance is one created by obliteration of cultural ideals, traditions, language, human relationships and indigenous identity. The Earl, however, fulfilling his responsibilities as dictated by the English monarch, had every reason to go on living English-style in order to ensure the anglification of the burgeoning colonial lifestyle and culture.
In truth, both Wheatley and the Earl were outsiders skirting the perimeter of a society neither of them would ever be allowed to join. Wheatley, too African to ameliorate her situation, and the Earl, too noble to be truly American, form part of the generation that bridges the gap between the Old World and the New.
Tuesday, October 10, 2006
Anne Bradstreet
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal #4, Anne Bradstreet
October 10, 2006
"[...] nevertheless she risked childbirth eight times." (238)
Annne Bradstreet had what seems to amount to a hard but full life. Above, the editor ensures the reader, by her choice of words, that Bradstreet had indeed a choice when it came to child-bearing. I argue not. However, what struck me first was the relatively small number of children conceived in the number of years in question.
In the 17th century, as a Puritan wife of a successful man, one was probably not afforded much choice. In fact were there an ad for Puritan wives, it would probably include child-bearing ability in its description. Bradstreet lived an approximately sixty-year long life, about forty-five of them as a fertile and married woman. In all, she gave birth eight times, which amounts to one child every 5.6 years; a pretty poor reflection of actual birthrates in the absence of birthcontrol, even including the temporary "safety" offered by breast-feeding. However, one can figure a conservative number of still-births, two, and miscarriages, three, bringing the number of conceptions to thirteen, bringing a pregnancy every 3.4 years. More in the realm of what is likely, however, one has to wonder was it her or him? Was she worn out prematurely or did he shoot blanks?
Upon reading Bradstreet's poetry, it is evident that she cherished her children, but lived in fear of having them. Her Puritan beliefs foreshadowed their lives as being inevitably stricken with strife and doom, all the while jeopardizing her own life, along with the very real possibility of bereaving her already born children of their mother. The situation is eerily devoid of solace of any kind.
Where did the Puritan daughters turn for support in their efforts to populate the new colonies and to establish their sought-after way of life? The statement above seems to call attention to the fact that the efforts less appreciated by contemporary scholars have value. Fearless women like Bradstreet have a significant role in the building of the new nation; subjecting themselves to being relocated, believing in an unyielding God, giving birth on scummy cabin floors, and forever standing in the shadows of their fathers and husbands. As a woman it is comforting to see women like Bradstreet represented in today's anthologies.
ENGL 48A
Journal #4, Anne Bradstreet
October 10, 2006
"[...] nevertheless she risked childbirth eight times." (238)
Annne Bradstreet had what seems to amount to a hard but full life. Above, the editor ensures the reader, by her choice of words, that Bradstreet had indeed a choice when it came to child-bearing. I argue not. However, what struck me first was the relatively small number of children conceived in the number of years in question.
In the 17th century, as a Puritan wife of a successful man, one was probably not afforded much choice. In fact were there an ad for Puritan wives, it would probably include child-bearing ability in its description. Bradstreet lived an approximately sixty-year long life, about forty-five of them as a fertile and married woman. In all, she gave birth eight times, which amounts to one child every 5.6 years; a pretty poor reflection of actual birthrates in the absence of birthcontrol, even including the temporary "safety" offered by breast-feeding. However, one can figure a conservative number of still-births, two, and miscarriages, three, bringing the number of conceptions to thirteen, bringing a pregnancy every 3.4 years. More in the realm of what is likely, however, one has to wonder was it her or him? Was she worn out prematurely or did he shoot blanks?
Upon reading Bradstreet's poetry, it is evident that she cherished her children, but lived in fear of having them. Her Puritan beliefs foreshadowed their lives as being inevitably stricken with strife and doom, all the while jeopardizing her own life, along with the very real possibility of bereaving her already born children of their mother. The situation is eerily devoid of solace of any kind.
Where did the Puritan daughters turn for support in their efforts to populate the new colonies and to establish their sought-after way of life? The statement above seems to call attention to the fact that the efforts less appreciated by contemporary scholars have value. Fearless women like Bradstreet have a significant role in the building of the new nation; subjecting themselves to being relocated, believing in an unyielding God, giving birth on scummy cabin floors, and forever standing in the shadows of their fathers and husbands. As a woman it is comforting to see women like Bradstreet represented in today's anthologies.
Jonathan Edwards
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal # 3, Jonathan Edwards
October 10, 2006
"And the world would spew you out, were it not for the sovereign hand of Him who hath subjected it in hope." (503)
The sentence above is from Jonathan Edwards's 1741 sermon Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God, which wholly captures the immense power of God that Edwards is trying to convey to his parishoners. It has the belligerent language and tone of the Old Testament, so commonplace in Edwards's writing, and is no doubt intended to instil terror in the masses.
However, the end of the sentence offers a more modern approach to faith than the fire and brimstone offfered by Puritan tradition. Here is where the reader gets a peek into Edwards's true ethos. Edwards claims God has subjected the ousting of the infidels because of hope; a sentiment closer to the traditionally gentler characteristics of the New Testament, such as mercy and forgiveness. Hope offers a completely open-ended relationship between Man and God, the very antithesis of the untouchable hierarchy of yore that proclaimed a certain Death without any chance for a future. These new and humane values signify a shift in Christian doctrine in the New World that perhaps, given Edwards's fate, came too soon.
The idea of a new era in American Christian values is especially interesting when considered in global context. Edwards, a learned man at the dawn of a new century, shared his forward-looking nature with contemporaries such as Franklin, Hume, Rosseau, Kant and Voltaire. Evidently, the age of Enlightenment also reached the shores of the by now established North American colonies; Edwards's Promised Land.
ENGL 48A
Journal # 3, Jonathan Edwards
October 10, 2006
"And the world would spew you out, were it not for the sovereign hand of Him who hath subjected it in hope." (503)
The sentence above is from Jonathan Edwards's 1741 sermon Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God, which wholly captures the immense power of God that Edwards is trying to convey to his parishoners. It has the belligerent language and tone of the Old Testament, so commonplace in Edwards's writing, and is no doubt intended to instil terror in the masses.
However, the end of the sentence offers a more modern approach to faith than the fire and brimstone offfered by Puritan tradition. Here is where the reader gets a peek into Edwards's true ethos. Edwards claims God has subjected the ousting of the infidels because of hope; a sentiment closer to the traditionally gentler characteristics of the New Testament, such as mercy and forgiveness. Hope offers a completely open-ended relationship between Man and God, the very antithesis of the untouchable hierarchy of yore that proclaimed a certain Death without any chance for a future. These new and humane values signify a shift in Christian doctrine in the New World that perhaps, given Edwards's fate, came too soon.
The idea of a new era in American Christian values is especially interesting when considered in global context. Edwards, a learned man at the dawn of a new century, shared his forward-looking nature with contemporaries such as Franklin, Hume, Rosseau, Kant and Voltaire. Evidently, the age of Enlightenment also reached the shores of the by now established North American colonies; Edwards's Promised Land.
William Bradford
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal #2, William Bradford
October 10, 2006
"In a word, did all the homely and necessary offices for them [...] and all this willingly and cheerfully, without any grudging in the least, showing herein their true love unto their friends and brethren [...]" (William Bradford, 175)
The above quote refers to the Puritans’ first winter in Massachusetts, when they endured serious bouts of illness and starvation; a situation far removed from the illusions they had been harboring of the New World. Of the original one hundred or so pilgrims, only seven were well enough to care for their stricken fellows, a number so startlingly small it can only serve to emphasize the scope of their strife.
What strikes me in this particular section of Bradford’s work, is how much value he places on the efforts of those few human beings whom helped keep the group alive through the winter. The reader can easily appreciate the pure and humble gratitude conveyed in the quote. The handful of Samaritans fell back on the underpinnings of their faith—kindness, service, selflessness, and humility—in order to help keep people alive, in a sense they were in fact living the very values of Christian ideology, a true testament to the efficacy of their teacher; Bradford himself.
In addition, this quote relays the depth not only of Bradford’s own personal faith, but also his immense power to convince his people of the values he esteemed most. To see a real-life application of his teachings must have been tremendously gratifying for Bradford and lent him hope for the future of his little colony. For someone as ardent as him, this display of true Christians carrying out true Christian values would have had to have offered him reason to rouse the remaining few towards a rebirth of sorts. Bradford and his followers may have seen this winter as a baptism by fire, a divine test of their will to endure and carry their message forward, and to fulfill their purposes of undertaking the journey in the first place.
ENGL 48A
Journal #2, William Bradford
October 10, 2006
"In a word, did all the homely and necessary offices for them [...] and all this willingly and cheerfully, without any grudging in the least, showing herein their true love unto their friends and brethren [...]" (William Bradford, 175)
The above quote refers to the Puritans’ first winter in Massachusetts, when they endured serious bouts of illness and starvation; a situation far removed from the illusions they had been harboring of the New World. Of the original one hundred or so pilgrims, only seven were well enough to care for their stricken fellows, a number so startlingly small it can only serve to emphasize the scope of their strife.
What strikes me in this particular section of Bradford’s work, is how much value he places on the efforts of those few human beings whom helped keep the group alive through the winter. The reader can easily appreciate the pure and humble gratitude conveyed in the quote. The handful of Samaritans fell back on the underpinnings of their faith—kindness, service, selflessness, and humility—in order to help keep people alive, in a sense they were in fact living the very values of Christian ideology, a true testament to the efficacy of their teacher; Bradford himself.
In addition, this quote relays the depth not only of Bradford’s own personal faith, but also his immense power to convince his people of the values he esteemed most. To see a real-life application of his teachings must have been tremendously gratifying for Bradford and lent him hope for the future of his little colony. For someone as ardent as him, this display of true Christians carrying out true Christian values would have had to have offered him reason to rouse the remaining few towards a rebirth of sorts. Bradford and his followers may have seen this winter as a baptism by fire, a divine test of their will to endure and carry their message forward, and to fulfill their purposes of undertaking the journey in the first place.
Cabeza de Vaca
Katja
ENGL 48A
Journal #1, Cabeza de Vaca
October 10, 2006
"[...] and then gradually progressed north and west, gaining status and power among [...] natives from his activities as a merchant and [...] a healer." (59)
Referring to Cabeza de Vaca’s enormous range over a long period of time, this quote also speaks to his influence over some of the native peoples he encountered in North America. Additionally, the excerpt touches on an inherently American concept, i.e. Manifest Destiny.
Cabeza de Vaca’s exploration of the interior of the Southwest is a truly astounding feat, given the distances he traveled and the amount of time he spent, for all intents and purposes, lost. His family heritage offered him good reason to become a grand explorer steeped in the European tradition, but in truth de Vaca was more of a pioneer than an explorer seeking gold or slaves for the Emperor. His humanity is what set him apart from his peers. Having lived among various tribes, whether voluntarily or not, gave de Vaca a different perspective. He saw American Indians as people, not commodities. I believe it was this approach that afforded de Vaca the respect and influence he enjoyed in some tribes.
De Vaca, driven by his employer’s desires and by sheer curiosity, may be the first pioneer to have had a vision along the lines of Manifest Destiny. Unlike his peers, de Vaca chose to refrain from dictatorial control of native peoples, and instead—alongside them—expanded the scope of his journey in a more egalitarian fashion. In essence, de Vaca and his followers can be said to have laid the groundwork for the 19th century concept known as Manifest Destiny; the spread of democracy and freedom along with westward territorial expansion. Interestingly, this hypothesis would make Manifest Destiny a concept rooted in European history, despite it being commonly identified as an American phenomenon.
Later, De Vaca’s calls "for renewed explorations" (59) did come to fruition, however few future adventurers subscribed to his notions of co-operating with the North American tribes. As a result, it would be another three centuries before Americans would revisit the concept of Manifest Destiny.
ENGL 48A
Journal #1, Cabeza de Vaca
October 10, 2006
"[...] and then gradually progressed north and west, gaining status and power among [...] natives from his activities as a merchant and [...] a healer." (59)
Referring to Cabeza de Vaca’s enormous range over a long period of time, this quote also speaks to his influence over some of the native peoples he encountered in North America. Additionally, the excerpt touches on an inherently American concept, i.e. Manifest Destiny.
Cabeza de Vaca’s exploration of the interior of the Southwest is a truly astounding feat, given the distances he traveled and the amount of time he spent, for all intents and purposes, lost. His family heritage offered him good reason to become a grand explorer steeped in the European tradition, but in truth de Vaca was more of a pioneer than an explorer seeking gold or slaves for the Emperor. His humanity is what set him apart from his peers. Having lived among various tribes, whether voluntarily or not, gave de Vaca a different perspective. He saw American Indians as people, not commodities. I believe it was this approach that afforded de Vaca the respect and influence he enjoyed in some tribes.
De Vaca, driven by his employer’s desires and by sheer curiosity, may be the first pioneer to have had a vision along the lines of Manifest Destiny. Unlike his peers, de Vaca chose to refrain from dictatorial control of native peoples, and instead—alongside them—expanded the scope of his journey in a more egalitarian fashion. In essence, de Vaca and his followers can be said to have laid the groundwork for the 19th century concept known as Manifest Destiny; the spread of democracy and freedom along with westward territorial expansion. Interestingly, this hypothesis would make Manifest Destiny a concept rooted in European history, despite it being commonly identified as an American phenomenon.
Later, De Vaca’s calls "for renewed explorations" (59) did come to fruition, however few future adventurers subscribed to his notions of co-operating with the North American tribes. As a result, it would be another three centuries before Americans would revisit the concept of Manifest Destiny.
